In spite of the fact that Palestinian Labor Law was introduced, its modes and levels of implementation are still limited. Dr. Samir Abdallah, Minister of Labor, in a press conference on the occasion of International Day of Poverty said that the increased rates of unemployment in the Palestinian Territories decreases the risks encountered by the employers in case of violating the law; since the circumstances of demand and supply are not to the advantage of workers, and usually with unemployment there is recession. 

 

Dr. Abdallah asserts that there are improvements on the level of application of the law, that the address for resolving violations is the court, and workers could resort to the Ministry of Labor that strives to apply the law but is not the only authorized organization.

 

Dr. Abdallah explains that the flexible policy followed by his Ministry in dealing with the violations is due to the pertaining difficult circumstances which do not allow for taking strict measures. However, his Ministry does not allow for major violations, and the national and social responsibility of the firms should be the basis.

 

Dr. Abdallah sees that the labor movement is responsible in this matter due its fragmentation, and lack of vision. He also sees that decision makers are guilty in reaching this stage, pointing out to the importance of the formulation of a new legal framework for a new labor movement.

 

The International Coalition Against Poverty carried out a study on 11 thousand enterprises working in Ramallah and Al Bireh Governorate. According to the statistics of this study violations of the Labor Law were revealed. The 11 thousand enterprises are employing 40 thousand workers, most of these enterprises work for more than 45 hours a week, force their employees to work overtime, 37% of working women do not get their maternity leaves in accordance to the Labor Law, and even if they do it is an unpaid leave, 38% of working women do not get one hour for nursing their children as stated by law and only 4% obtain the nursing time by deducting it from their pay, 22% of females and 14% of males are subject to verbal abuse, and 33% of those enterprises have no area for break time.

 

 

In view of the absence of internal bylaws for Labor Law, there is weakness in implementing the Law, especially in regards to social insurance, pension funds for private sector employees, and there are no specialized courts to resolve workers court cases.

 

It seems that the workers movement was the most negatively affected by the prevailing conditions in the Palestinian land. Workers' withdrawal from the Israeli labor market did not come gradually and was unaccompanied by Palestinian economic development capable of absorbing this labor force. Add to this the fact that this sector of workers are used to working in construction and agricultural work with no vocational training in other fields.

 

Najwa Ibrahim wakes up early everyday to start her long day. She "works" at a kindergarten for only 400 shekels a month.

She says: "My work starts at seven thirty in the morning until two in the afternoon or later". To calculate her budget, it is distributed as follow: five shekels transportation a day totaling 135 shekels a month, a repetitive meal of a "humus" or "falafel" sandwich totaling 60 shekels, and almost half of her income remains for her personal expenses, clothes, and others. 

 

Najwa Ibrahim says: "I either work for little money or stay at home". Then she uses a famous Arabic saying which means that people accept bad conditions in order to run away from the worst. 

 

She adds: "I thought of resigning and staying at home helping my mother with house chores, but the economic situation is very bad and every penny counts". Najwa Ibrahim is not a member in any union or syndicate as says: "There is no difference it is all the same".

 

We met Iman Qassem the head of Weaving and Sewing Syndicate and in charge of the Women's Unit within the General Union of Palestinian Workers Syndicates. She says: "The suffering of working women as secretaries, in sewing, and in kindergartens is tremendous. Working women are denied the simplest rights, very low paid, and it go down to 200 shekels a month".

 

Iman Qassem adds "We found during field visits that some labor structures recruit working women and in return provide them with aid which is irrelevant to syndicates' work".

 

Iman Qassem has discovered that some labor unions recruit working women not for union's work but for distributing food packages, financial assistance, and promises for work opportunities for graduates, along with payment of some university tuition fees.

 

Iman Qassem adds: "The unions do not work for workers rights or demands, as: improving work conditions, increase of salaries, annual leaves, and others. They gather women for other objectives and because of the harsh economic situation unfortunately women follow these organizations".

She says: "There is an organization which enlisted 450 women, and received 25 shekels from each woman either working or not. A 75 years old woman had to borrow from her neighbor to provide for the subscription cost to join a syndicate, for the purpose of getting a promised assistance of one 100 dollars".

 

According to Iman Qassem "there are 400 working women enlisted to the union in Jenin, and we strive for achieving their union rights and demands"

 

Riyad Kameel, head of Construction and Timber Syndicate at the General Union of Palestinian Workers organization, lists the names of unions functioning for the issues of the working class. He comes up with a long list of which: General Union of Palestinian Workers, Union of Palestinian Workers, General Union of Palestine Labor Vocational Association, Independent General Union of Workers, Union of the Unemployed, Democracy and Worker's Rights Centre, and the Palestinian Working Women Society for Development and others.

 

He adds: "If there was a unified union, such as the case for teachers and public employees, then the demands and rights of workers would have been obtained faster".

 

According to Riyad Kameel, there are efforts to unify the workers syndicates and unions in one body, since this is to the benefit of the whole working class.

 

 Absent Identity

 

Ahmad Draghmeh, Office Director at the Ministry of Labor in Jenin Governorate sees that there are too many labor unions with no achievements for women workers or for others. He points to the idea behind unions and its objectives, and asks: "Is it for confronting occupation, or to stand in the face of work owners, or to impose pressure on the Authority?"

 

He adds: "The absence of an identity for unions will contribute in weakening the case of workers and achieving their rights. The split between Gaza and West Bank has enforced this disintegration".

 

Concluding: "During the era of the tenth government it was the intention of the Labor Minister to license a new syndicate".

 

Sabah Bashir, from Al Manar Jerusalemite Organization for the Service of Women and Society thinks that the reality of labor unions is very bad and very difficult. Women are not sufficiently represented and the percentage of their presence in labor unions is decreasing at this stage.

 

She says: "We fear that the women will not be present in the future, because of the lack confidence of union men, and that men will deny women the chance to empower themselves in the sphere of labor unions. The undermining demeaning look of men towards women regardless of her competence and efficiency deter them to enroll in union work. This is apart from the social and familial responsibilities that women tackle, the periods of maternity, and others".

 

According to Sabah Bashir the participation of women in syndicate work is necessary in order to defend themselves and their rights. Because their participation is noncompulsory in view of the presence of male dominance in workers' organizations and unions, then the reality is the existence of a few women at union leadership levels. This points to our attention the move away of women from leadership levels.

 

Continuing she adds: "Women's participation in union work is an important matter, since women become more involved and understanding of their problems at work, and more aware and educated of the importance of participation in decision making. 

 

Sabah Bashir sees that one should be convinced that unions are part of the civil society organizations, and are independent according to law. These unions should be working actively and effectively to attract a wide base of workers including women. They should support women, defend their sisters and colleagues in order to guarantee suitable working conditions, and overcome all future possible threats such as layoffs or low pay.

 

Hidaya Al Saqqa believes that the existence of numerous unions is not an indication of effectiveness. She sees that most of the organizations which claim to defend women's rights have a profit making agenda. She says: "Some believe that numerous unions form lobbying and assertion tools, but I am against this concept".

 

 

Researcher and activist Itidal Al Jariri Saif, sees that the current state of affairs, the presence of numerous unions and syndicates is not meeting the needs of female works. Several of those organizations which claim to defend the rights of their workers and adopt their financial and non-financial issues are indeed the most oppressing organizations, and violate women's financial and non-financial rights.

 

She says: "There is a wide gap between theory and practice, and not all who call for the defense of the rights of men and women are indeed practicing it. These are slogans that are utilized only for funding purposes. Some preach on the agreement of the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CIDAW), while in reality they are practicing all forms of discrimination and oppression against women".

 

The unionist Faisal Hindi sees that the problem lies in our mentality which does not believe in pluralism. He says: "Though there isn't a law to enforce the registration of syndicates in Palestine up to date, but the existence of several union structures at the same work place weakens the demands of working women, and consequently it negatively affects their rights".

 

According to Faisal Hindi, workers committees in the different locations should include all members regardless of their profession (such as doctors, engineers, cleaners, etc.) or their sex, so all can work together to achieve their demands to improve their employment conditions.

 

Continuing he says: "The numerous union structures are an expression of fragmentation to serve individual and political interests. But if there is a real intention for unification the situation would improve".

 

Concluding he says: "I consider the existence of labor unions and numerous structures beneficial to defend the rights of workers at a political level. But I think that there is no need for pluralism when it comes to achieving workers' rights since it harms the both working women and men".

 

Ula Salsou' member of Board of Directors of one of the syndicates says that attaining the rights of working women, relies on the type of the syndicate and its seriousness at work. She adds: "Unfortunately, there are working women who have not read the Palestinian Labor Law yet. Some working women are afraid of asking for their rights, due to the existing culture which does not deal with women as human beings. Even some women hand over their salaries to their husbands or fathers on the same day of their pay".

 

In a short poll prepared and published by the Palestinian NGO Network via the internet on the state of unions and on the occasion of the International Labor Day a participant named Omar writes: "Which syndicates are you referring to? We have no syndicates; we only have centers to defend their personal and group interests. What we have is social welfare, the notion of defending the working class, their interest, and their protection does not exist". He adds: "Give me on example of a battle that was fought by the syndicates. Worst conditions pertain with no one to help. The syndicates and unions have become a shelter for the paid members from the different political factions".

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Women's chances for work are scarce; this might lead to their acceptance of any opportunity and at any place, patience, fear followed by silence when faced by harassment during their work. This could be due to their fear from a scandal or because of the norms and customs which accuse women in such instances. Women might be in need of some money, verbal harassment or even by the use of the hands; which is legally punishable, but only for those who dare to press charges and express the incidents.

The problem of sexual harassment for women working in private organizations and trade shops is an old problem reinforced by women's silence.

 

A young 20 years old Suha works in one of the large trade shops specialized in selling women's clothing, in one of Gaza's markets. We asked her about her work experience, and whether she was objected to any type of sexual harassment from the store owner or the clients. Suha laughed, then said that mainly it is verbal harassment and the store owner follows me with his gazes, and compliments a lot my looks and beauty. He often offers me some expensive clothes, but I decline politely, and try to evade any words he says expressing his inner thoughts. Suha clarified the reason for staying at her work by saying: "I have faced this in all the places I have worked in, I did not find quitting my work is a solution to the problem. I have learnt to live with these words, since I am a university student and need to cover the high expenses, and my father's financial situation does not allow me to complain every time. I am faced with this verbal harassment on each and every day from the clients and visitors, especially that at times I work for late hours which makes the problem more complex.

The secretary could be just like the salesperson, people's attitudes towards her make her vulnerable with greedy people. U'la a 22 year old secretary who works in one on the institutions says: "Because of my beauty which I consider as a curse, I have been harassed by all the bosses I have worked with, and I always silently quit my work. I used to be vague with my father and gave no logical reason in replying to his inquiries for quitting my work. If my parents knew the truth they would not allow me to go out or work. This is the practice of the parents in fear of a scandal.

 

Sumaya Muhsen, an engineer who works in one of the private organizations says: "Maybe the type of work that a woman does could expose her to sexual harassment. For example I work with a class of men who could be less educated and aware. I work with laborers; who is the least educated class in our society in the majority of the cases, and I could be subjected to stinging words, or even an attempt to be touched. I do not think this phenomenon is elsewhere, if working men were educated and sensitized about the rights of women and the issue of their equality to men".

 

This idea might be to a certain extent logical for Samar a 30 years old journalist who says: "Due to the type of my work I get to know various stratum of the society from different levels of education and culture, and sexual harassment could be greatly linked to education but I cannot confirm this. I have also been harassed by men who claim they are educated and supportive of the women's movement and even call for their equality with men. However, the majority of the harassment could come from those who are not aware of the importance of women, and regard them as followers to men or even their property. The silence of women and their fear of gossip reinforced this attitude". She added: "I was subjected to harassment when I once sat beside a man in a taxi. I am definite that if I have shouted at him, or objected to his a ct, all the passengers would have taken my side by beating and humiliating him. However, my fears only lead me to get off the taxi at the first station, and I left my place to another woman to be exploited in the same manner".

 

The psychologist Lama Al-Sharfa says: "The reason behind the aggravation of this phenomenon is the fear of women. Their fear is an inherited culture which blames women and accuses them by saying -'if she was decent no one would have harassed her'-, and also women are silent to preserve their work opportunities and this is not to her advantage. I personally do not know if the correct action is to speak up and to press legal charges against those who dare to harass her, or to keep silent and leave her work. Often speaking up makes the problem worse for women, and at the end it is women who pay the price.

 

Regarding the legal punishment advocate Fuad Shihab says: "There are different types of harassment, and all are punishable by law, starting by verbal harassment which is the most common such as sexual insinuations or use of vulgar language, or comments about physical beauty. The second type is exceeding the use of words to reach touching, grabbing, kissing, or holding a hand or part of the body. The punishment for each of these acts is detailed in the Crime and Punishment Law; where for each of these acts there is a specific punishment which could be life imprisonment sentence or at times could reach the death penalty". Then he adds: "Most of the Arabic and foreign countries endorsed the agreement on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CIDAW), where article (11), requests that all countries should take all necessary legal actions and precautions to end sexual harassment. However, the majority of the countries could not stop this phenomenon, nor do they have specific or accurate statistics, and all this is due to the silence of women and their fear of scandals especially in Arabic countries.

 

In the old city of Jerusalem lives Samah Abdullah with her family, she had to quit the University as her father became ill and unable to work.

After staying at home for seven years, Samah decided to look for a job and headed to the Israeli work office that offered her a job in the dry clean section of one of the hospitals in West Jerusalem.

“Although work was demanding, the salary was good. However, my father forced me to quit because of the night shifts I had to take”. Samah later found a job as a saleswoman in a boutique in east Jerusalem and is now working double the time she used to work at the hospital, with one third of the previous salary. “I am paid 1200 shekel a month and have to work from 8.30 am until 7.30 pm, while a male colleague who works with me is paid double my salary. When I asked the shop owner for explanation, he said that he is a man and he had to pay for the cigarettes he smokes”. 

 

Nora Qirt is the director of two centers in Jerusalem, one for the elderly and the other for people with special needs. Nora believes that opportunities for working women in Jerusalem are limited although living expenses are on the rise, “even when a Jerusalemite woman find a job,   it is most likely that she would be underpaid”. Nora says that political and economic situation in the area are affecting the development and incursion of women in the labor market in Jerusalem.

 

The story of Suhad Nasser in job hunting sheds some light on the working women’s agonies, “After three years of disparate search, I got a job in a company that provides services for the elderly. I was about to give up search when a friend advised me to enroll for a Hebrew language course, and I did. The course was the key that opened new work chances for me, I am well paid now and I provide training and conduct workshops to college graduates before they head to the field as social workers.       

 

 

Um Mohammad is a widow and a mother of 5, she found a cleaning job in Israeli houses and offices. “I don’t earn enough and I never thought I’ll work as a cleaner, but to be able to feed my family and pay the rent I had to take such jobs”.

 

On the reasons that lead some women to search for work in the Israeli part of the city, Nora Qirt says that labors are better paid and law in the western part of the city protects workers’ rights. However, situation has been changing lately and Palestinians women labors are returning to the east side of the city as some Israeli employers have been discriminating against the Palestinian workers. Limited work opportunities in east Jerusalem is touching all workers regardless of their education, skill, or experiences. 

 

International and civil society institutes are opening fair work chances for educated women, although the competition between men and women for such limited work opportunities is obvious. Some women had to travel past military checkpoints to Bethlehem and Ramallah for work, although the daily hassle of the trips would eventually tire many of them and quit their jobs.

 

L.N who works as a secretary in an Israeli health center says that her long search for a job came to an end when she learned Hebrew and applied for a job in a care center, “I was accepted right away and my agony came to an end”.

 

Mais Abdel-Ala'l says that although she had a diploma in childcare from the Ibrahimi College, she could not find a proper job and had to do with an underpaid saleswomen job and accept 1300 shekels for her monthly salary. “Although I don’t have a rent to pay, the money I get does not feed me and my mother, but I have no other option”.   

 

According to Nora Qirt, the migration of capitals and investments from east Jerusalem because of the high taxes they have to pay is a major contributor to the limited work chances in the city. Investors by large would move to nearby cities in the West Bank as they are given proper facilities to start their businesses there with reasonable costs and fair taxes.

 

Numbers of Shop keepers, small businesses and workshops in east Jerusalem have also found it more feasible to move their businesses to cities in the West Bank. Many were unable to coop with the huge amounts of money they had pay to the Israeli authorities to maintain their licenses and stay in the market.

 

Households and individuals have to pay special taxes to the Israeli authorities for their living places, rented or purchased. The amounts they pay are equal to taxes entailed by Israeli households, although standard of living and wages in Israel are double the ones in east Jerusalem.

 

Other businesses were badly affected by the separation wall and the checkpoints that besieged the city and isolated it from the rest of the WB; Economy of the city has always been relying on customers and visitors from other WB cities and villages.

Qirt Adds that some international and civil society institutes found it difficult for them to resume work from Jerusalem and decided to move out of the city towards Ramallah or Bethlehem. 

 

On the civil society and women institutes and their efforts to assist the families in the city, Qirt says that they conduct research and studies to point out to the exact problems of the women and suggest solutions and initiatives that can ease some of those problems. Women are encouraged to make use of the skills they have in cooking, tailoring, and embroidery, and are given the facilities to start producing from home, while the societies would help marketing their products. 

The women projects have already attracted 570 women from the old city of Jerusalem and some neighboring villages.

 

At Qalandia checkpoint, Confused 7 years old Abeer approached the Israeli soldier and tried to perused him to let her father cross to Jerusalem with the rest of family. The soldier explained that her father does not have a permit, she said: "we also don't have one", the soldier added: "you have Jerusalem ID's and he doesn't". Abeer became even more confused.

 

Abeer lives with her mother and three brothers in East Jerusalem, but her father lives in Nablus and they all have to go and meet him at her grandfather's house every now and then. She hardly remembers seeing her father sleeps at home like other fathers.

 

"I got married to my cousin in 2000 and since that time, we have been trying to get a residency for my husband to live with me and the children in Jerusalem. The Israeli numerous regulations and preconditions have been a great obstacle in achieving this dream. When a Palestinian applies for a family reunion, hindering regulations would stretch and cover details like age of applicant, his or her proficiency, and the feedback of security and intelligence services on the applicant". Abeer mother's says.

 

In this particular case, the applicant, Abeer's father himself didn't have any black marks in his security files, but his brother had been sentenced to 8 years of imprisonment in the Israeli jails, and that made it almost impossible for Abeer's father to be reunited with his family in Jerusalem.

 

In its April report, the Jerusalem center for social and economic affairs says that the Israeli law on Jerusalemite family reunification (JFR) is shaking the status of 20 thousand Palestinians currently living in the Holy city. In 1980 when Israel declared East Jerusalem to be part of the “Capital of Israel”, Israel issued the JFR law that put unlimited conditions and obstacles that would prevent most Palestinians from continuing to live in the east part of the city. Regulations mainly touched the Arab women that are married to Palestinians from outside Jerusalem as their husbands and children are denied from the right to live with them in Jerusalem, which most of the time leaves those wives no options but to leave the city and give up their Jerusalem ID’s.

 

The 1980 JFR law didn’t bluntly prevent partners and children of Arab Jerusalemite spouses from outside Jerusalem to live in the city, but rather placed ridiculous conditions for such reunification to be possible. However, in 2000, Israel ratified the 1980 law and issued a clear-cut article that prohibit spouses of Jerusalemites that do not originally have Jerusalem ID’s from living with their partners in the city. Family reunification applications in the Israeli ministry of interior had been halted since then.

 

A Palestinian male applicant who desire to be reunited with a spouse from Jerusalem should be over 35, female applicants are to be over 25. Most Palestinian couples are normally married in a much younger age, and some had to stay separated for about 10 years before they are able to start the long and uncertain process of reunification.

“Security reasons” is one of the most powerful and unchallenged justification that Israel uses to reject applications for reunifications. Applications, even when approved are to be renewed every year, and the 1350 shekels annual fee is to be paid on time. 

 

Head of Jerusalem center for social and economic affairs, Ziad Hammouri described the JFR law and its ratifications as a very serious threat to the demographic balance in East Jerusalem, “by driving Palestinians outside the city and attracting Jews to move into the city, Israel is creating new demographic facts in the holy city”. Impact of this sort of collective punishment on the Palestinian families is comprehensive; apart from the social and economic difficulties they have to face, children as well as adults are developing signs of restlessness and agitation as they lose their right in permanent residencies within their living places.

 

Abeer’s mother describes some of the daily life difficulties she had to face because of the absence of her husband, she says: “I am a working mother, and I have to follow up all legal, health, educational and insurance matters for my family, all by my self”. To guarantee a permanent residency for her children with her in Jerusalem, Abeer’s mother needs to appear at the Israeli interior ministry offices several times a month to fill in papers and submit documents to them. “They make it harder and more difficult every time I am asked to appear there, I think they are hoping we’ll get tired and move out of the city with our children”, she adds.

 

 

 

Maybe there is no need for much description and reportage, nor analysis and opinion. The Israeli occupying forces reached a toll in rudeness and disregard to the simplest of the human rights. Nothing is left apart from forceful deportation and removal of the Jerusalemites from their city, and throwing them outside the detested Apartheid Wall. This Wall has become the Wall of transfer, capturing its citizens inside its boundaries of 41 years ago in the Eastern part which was occupied in 1967. While the remaining three quarters of Jerusalem was occupied in 1948.

 

The status of the Jerusalemites today is a result of the control of the racist Zionist occupation of Jerusalem, its vicinity, its breathing space, and even before the Nakba and due to the collaboration of the British Mandate Authorities with the Jewish settlers. This state did not end by occupying Jerusalem along with the remaining Palestinian land in 1967.

 

 

Mohammad Al Abbasi adds that Jerusalem did not change much in the past 41 years; all the cities grow except Jerusalem which is shrinking, and is not expanding to meet the natural increase of the population. This forces Jerusalemites to move out and reside elsewhere. However, in fear of losing their identity cards, several of them had to return and live in small inappropriate houses which do not meet the requirements of their families.

 

He adds: "Look these are the settlers' houses in Silwan, protected and guarded by the Israeli policemen and borders guards. These are houses that are increasing every day; to reinforce what the Jews call the City of David, the Walls of Jerusalem, and below Al Aqsa Mosque, in hope of linking "the City of David" in Silwan with Al Buraq Square (Wailing Wall) with a road passing beneath Al Aqsa Mosque".

This citizen sees that racism of the occupiers has reached its toll by separating the infrastructure services such as water, electricity and sewerage for the Jewish settlers from the houses of the original people of the town.

We leave Silwan to go to Al Ashqariya Quarters and Beit Hanina, where the occupying forces continue their efforts to make it a Jewish area, and limit its revitalization.

 

 

The citizen Tahseen Yaseen sees that 'Judaization' of Jerusalem by the consecutive Israeli governments did not come from vacuum, but from a planned scheme which started with blocking the growth of Jerusalem and its suburbs while it was full of life prior to the occupation of the West Bank in 1967.

He adds that the town had prospered and became part of Jerusalem; even the late King Hussein built himself a castle in this town, but the building was not finished after the fall of Jerusalem and was occupied by the Israelis with the rest of the West Bank.

The new Beit Hanina was developed as one of the posh suburbs of Jerusalem, and continued to expand and grow in a natural manner, in the forties and the fifties and prospered in the sixties. While in the seventies its growth was small, and eventually it become quite slow due to the Israeli procedures.

This was the new Beit Hanina, the small young town in the suburbs. Its story with the occupying forces' procedures and the demolishing of its houses was rather early. This was to prevent the Jerusalemites from expanding and to shatter their dreams. While at the same time major settlements grew and expanded such as Ramot, Givat Zeev, Pisgat Zeev, Prophet David, and till the end of the list which does not seem that it will end!

 

This was stated by Ali Amer Director of the Separation Wall and Occupation Unit at the Presidency of Ministers, when speaking about the issue of 'Judaization' of Jerusalem, particularly the area of Beit Hanina, which attracted much attention due to the occupation works of bulldozing for the purpose of constructing the Apartheid Separation Wall.

The demolishment of houses in Al Ashqariya Quarter in Beit Hanina these days represent a continuation of the journey of dwarfing the city's suburbs up till now.

The best example of the danger of the Apartheid Wall as a method for 'Judaization' of Jerusalem is Beit Hanina, which is divided into two parts. According to Mohammad Abdel Hafeth Coordinator of the Popular Committee against the Apartheid Wall in Beit Hanina, both parts of Beit Hanina the old town and the new town are in fact the same town but the houses of the western part are separated from the eastern part by only 700 meters. So we find for example one brother owning a house in the western part (the old town) and the other brother residing in the eastern part. The Separating Wall has separated the two parts; separating the same families, the father from his son, the brother from his sister though they all live in the same town. Thus the same town became in need of two graveyards after it became impossible to burry the dead together in one graveyard, the Separating Wall has separated the living and the dead.

As for the confiscated land it has become inaccessible to its owners, behind wired fences and the Apartheid Wall, and with cameras on towers scrutinizing the movements of the people.

Mohammad Abdel Hafeth mentioned that the occupying forces continue with their sabotage without any shame or consideration to any of the international resolutions, and it is the same occupying force which is ignoring on a daily basis the decisions of human rights courts that the Separation Wall is illegal.

 

The President of Beit Hanina Village Council Ahmad Al Bursh says that after the occupying force's annexation of the suburbs -of which is Beit Hanina- to the so called 'Jerusalem Municipality', the population of the new Beit Hanina were given Jerusalem identity cards, and the population of old Beit Hanina were given West Bank identity cards. The people did not care much with this division, though they noticed the difference in the services and the granted privileges, social security programmes, and allowances for the elderly and children.

 

At the same time building was constrained not allowing the town houses to be connected, this was planned for. Do you think the opening of the new road is a coincidence? Or was it planned for since 41 years or maybe more!

This was the start of the fracture, which got deeper with time. Though the division of the identity cards did not represent a problem for the people since the two sides of the town were still connected, the situation started to get harder especially towards the end of the eighties. Though prior to that people of Beit Hanina with West Bank identity cards were not allowed to sleep in Jerusalem, but the occupying forces took no notice of the issue of sleep in Jerusalem when it was to meet the labor market need of the West Bank laborers to work at workshops, settlements, factories, and farms.

 

Al Bursh adds: "Then came the first Intifada which brought about a new behavior pattern, tightening measures over Jerusalem, repressing its growth and expansion, and decreasing its contact with the rest of West Bank governorates. The Israeli occupation utilized the Intifada as an excuse to launch its policy for a Jewish Jerusalem in general, and establish the ground of separation between Jerusalem as a heart of the West Bank and the rest of the cities. Israeli occupying forces enforced military check points at the four entry points to Jerusalem especially from Ramallah side. Thus isolating Jerusalem gradually, first with inspection, then not allowing private cars to enter Jerusalem, then not allowing public transportation, then not allowing the young people and later the old people without obtaining a special permit. The permit was relatively easily obtained in the beginning in order to encourage people to obtain it and accept these procedures. Unfortunately, we were all victims due to our ignorance or our bad estimation when we rushed and competed to obtain this humiliating permit, then it became hard, then very hard.

 

The family of Amjad Shihadeh from the village of Beit Iksa was surprised with bulldozers and Israeli military jeeps, which started to destroy the surroundings of their new house, then attacked their house to level it with the ground.

 

Although the house owner had a building permit issued from the Ministry of Local Authorities, but the occupying forces dishonestly claimed that the house was located in area "C" which falls under the Israeli jurisdiction according to Oslo Agreement, part of the agreement between the Palestinian National Authority and Israel, which has specified that allowed building areas are within area "B" in which the house of Amjad Shehadeh is located in Beit Iksa. In any case, this agreement is no longer respected by the Israeli Government.

 

The soldiers not only demolish the two stories house with a total area of 270 square meters, but hit Amjad Shihadeh and his sister Aya, threw them on the ground and forbade them from reaching their land and house.

The giant bulldozers destroyed the grape vines and other fruit trees which were taken care of only a few days ago, in hope of eating from their fruits in summer.

 

In the traumatized family house of Amjad Shihadeh, I was received by Amjad saying: "As you can see it is only normal that we have a house sufficient enough for our family like everybody else. I have saved what I could, economized, and limited my expenditures so I could build the house. Building is very expensive and I am only a simple employee at the Ministry of Education, I can hardly manage the salary till the end of the month and spend one third of my salary for transportation costs from Beit Iksa to Ramalla and vice versa ".

 

His wife Ruba says: "Provision of a house has become a great financial burden in view of the difficult economic situation, the unjust building regulations, and the imposed siege. To build a house is a great risky adventure and each citizen realizes that; starting from the provision of a piece of land, saving for the necessary amount to commence purchasing the building materials, and paying for labor cost. It has become a far fetched dream to build a house, and too many citizens opt for renting a house than venturing on the risk of building one".

 

Shehadeh said that the occupying forces prior to demolishing their house have told them that their house is located in are "C" but Shehadeh reported back: "No the house is in area "B" and I have a permit from the Ministry of Local Authorities, and building in area "B" is permitted". He added: "The tyrant occupiers with their unjust calculations claimed that the house lies on the area separating between the areas "B" and "C" is there worse violations for the human rights?"

 

There were negotiations between both sides, and Shehadaeh applied for a building permit from the occupying forces, and he did not think that there was an intention to demolish the house. Therefore, his mother has summed the situation up by saying: "They deceived us! People of Beit Iksa are tortured in their beautiful town and it is no longer allowed for them to build. We can only build within the small old town! Which means that there is no place left to build. So now we can see multistoried buildings which are not the custom of the villagers".

 

Ramot settlement which was built in 1967 is spreading all over the place. On the entrance to Beit Iksa there is a gate which is opened and closed moodily, and people of Beit Iksa are subject to expulsion from the road that they have used for hundreds of years.

The face of Sarah Amjad Shehadeh the six year old is different from Layan's face. She laughs but not her usual laughter; it is rather an un-natural laughter as a reaction to what happened, each girl reacted to the trauma in her way. Sarah has told her father Amjad: "don't build a house that the soldiers can see, because when they do they will demolish it".

How can this be done? When the Israelis keep an eye on each movement people take.

Sarah who is aware of her father's financial losses opted to stand by him, asked him not to be sad and promised to save from her pocket money to help him.

Sarah, Lilian, and Duha the daughters of Amjad and Ruba were eagerly awaiting to move into their new house which was bigger and would have had their own room as promised by their parents. In their room they dreamt of organizing it as they wished and play and have fun freely. Unfortunately, others can have their space -the settlers- who are watching them and scrutinizing their growth, they executed their dream and that of Amjad and Ruba, the family, and the aunt Tamam. Settlers headed by their previous Prime Minister Ehud Olmert, father of demolishing Palestinian houses in Jerusalem and followed by Benjamin Netanyahu.

 

The Municipality of the occupiers in Jerusalem and the so called Civil Administration intensified the demolishment of Palestinian houses with false pretexts which placed hatred in the hearts, and denied the citizens from the simplest human right of having a house.

Several questions arise regarding the horror of the Israelis from the danger of the Palestinian demographical growth in Jerusalem, Palestinian births, and Palestinian houses.

 

Amjad Shehadeh tells a strange incident not about the occupation and says: "In light of demolishing the Palestinian houses which are legally constructed and as a result of the natural growth of Palestinian families, while on the other side we see houses, no even cities that are not normally or legally built. The Israeli occupation persists in devouring Jerusalem and tightens its wrist over the throat of Jerusalem to impose a matter-of-fact on the future of Jerusalem".

 

He painfully asks: "How is it possible that settlers have illegal houses on occupied land, and the original citizens cannot have legal houses on their land?"

This is only a glimpse of the continued Nakba of the Jerusalemites since decades; the occupation succeeded in making it continued, through the postponement of the issue of Jerusalem not until the final solution negotiations, but indefinitely, by manipulation and deception.